The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India

The Economic and Social Impact of Colonial Rule in India Chapter 3 of Class Structure and Economic Growth: India & Pakistan since the Moghuls Maddison (1971) British imperialism was more pragmatic than that of other colonial powers. Its motivation was economic, not evangelical. There was none of the dedicated Christian fanaticism which the Portuguese and Spanish demonstrated in Latin America and less enthusiasm for cultural diffusion than the French (or the Americans) showed in their colonies. For this reason they westernized India only to a limited degree. British interests were of several kinds.At first the main purpose was to achieve a monopolistic trading position. Later it was felt that a regime of free trade would make India a major market for British goods and a source of raw materials, but British capitalists who invested in India, or who sold banking or shipping service there, continued effectively to enjoy monopolistic privileges. India also provided interesting and lucrati ve employment for a sizeable portion of the British upper middle class, and the remittances they sent home made an appreciable contribution to Britain's balance of payments and capacity to save.Finally, control of India was a key element in the world power structure, in terms of geography, logistics and military manpower. The British were not averse to Indian economic development if it increased their markets but refused to help in areas where they felt there was conflict with their own economic interests or political security. Hence, they refused to give protection to the Indian textile industry until its main competitor became Japan rather than Manchester, and they did almost nothing to further technical education.They introduced some British concepts of property, but did not push them too far when they met vested interests. The main changes which the British made in Indian society were at the top. They replaced the wasteful warlord aristocracy by a bureaucratic-military establish ment, carefully designed by utilitarian technocrats, which was very efficient in maintaining law and order. The greater efficiency of government permitted a substantial reduction in the fiscal burden, and a bigger share of the national product was available for landlords, capitalists and the new professional classes.Some of this upper class income was siphoned off to the UK, but the bulk was spent in India. However, the pattern of consumption changed as the new upper class no longer kept harems and palaces, nor did they wear fine muslins and damascened swords. This caused some painful readjustments in the traditional handicraft sector. It seems likely that there was some increase in productive investment which must have been near zero in Moghul India: government itself carried out productive investment in railways and irrigation and as a result there was a growth in both agricultural and industrial output.The new elite established a Western life-style using the English language and 1 English schools. New towns and urban amenities were created with segregated suburbs and housing for them. Their habits were copied by the new professional elite of lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists and businessmen. Within this group, old caste barriers were eased and social mobility increased. As far as the mass of the population were concerned, colonial rule brought few significant changes. The British educational effort was very limited.There were no major changes in village society, in the caste system, the position of untouchables, the joint family system, or in production techniques in agriculture. British impact on economic and social development was, therefore, limited. Total output and population increased substantially but the gain in per capita output was small or negligible. It is interesting to speculate about India's potential economic fate if it had not had two centuries of British rule. There are three major alternatives which can be seriously considered. One would have been the maintenance of indigenous rule with a few foreign enclaves, as in China.Given the fissiparous forces in Indian society, it is likely that there would have been major civil wars in China in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century and the country would probably have split up. Without direct foreign interference with its educational system, it is less likely that India would have developed a modernizing intelligentsia than China because Indian society was less rational and more conservative, and the Chinese had a much more homogeneous civilization around which to build their reactive nationalism.If this situation had prevailed, population would certainly have grown less but the average standard of living might possibly have been a little higher because of the bigger upper class, and the smaller drain of resources abroad (1). Another alternative to British rule would have been conquest and maintenance of power by some oth er West European country such as France or Holland. This probably would not have produced results very different in economic terms from British rule.The third hypothesis is perhaps the most intriguing, i. e. conquest by a European power, with earlier accession to independence. If India had had self-government from the 1880s, after a century and a quarter of British rule, it is likely that both income and population growth would have been accelerated. There would have been a smaller drain of investible funds abroad, greater tariff protection, more state enterprise and favours to local industry, more technical training – the sort of things which happened after 1947.However, India would probably not have fared as well as Meiji Japan, because the fiscal leverage of government would have been smaller, zeal for mass education less, and religious and caste barriers would have remained as important constraints on productivity. Establishment of a New Westernized Elite The biggest chan ge the British made in the social structure was to replace the warlord aristocracy by an efficient bureaucracy and army. The traditional system of the East India Company had been to pay its servants fairly modest salaries, and to let them augment their income from 2 rivate transactions. This arrangement worked reasonably well before the conquest of Bengal, but was inefficient as a way of remunerating the officials of a substantial territorial Empire because (a) too much of the profit went into private hands rather than the Company's coffers, and (b) an overrapacious short-term policy was damaging to the productive capacity of the economy and likely to drive the local population to revolt, both of which were against the Company's longer-term interests. Clive had operated a ‘dual' system, i. e. Company power and a puppet Nawab.Warren Hastings displaced the Nawab and took over direct administration, but retained Indian officials. Finally, in 1785, Cornwallis created a professiona l cadre of Company servants who had generous salaries, had no private trading or production interests in India, enjoyed the prospect of regular promotion and were entitled to pensions (2). All high-level posts were reserved for the British, and Indians were excluded. Cornwallis appointed British judges, and established British officials as revenue collectors and magistrated in each district of Bengal.From 1806 the Company trained its young recruits in Haileybury College near London. Appointments were still organized on a system of patronage, but after 1833 the Company selected amongst its nominated candidates by competitive examination. After 1853, selection was entirely on merit and the examination was thrown open to any British candidate. The examination system was influenced by the Chinese model, which had worked well for 2,000 years and had a similar emphasis on classical learning and literary competence.The Indian civil service was therefore able to secure high quality people b ecause (a) it was very highly paid; (b) it enjoyed political power which no bureaucrat could have had in England. In 1829 the system was strengthened by establishing districts throughout British India small enough to be effectively controlled by an individual British official who henceforth exercised a completely autocratic power, acting as revenue collector, judge and chief of police (functions which had been separate under the Moghul administration). This arrangement later became the cornerstone of Imperial administration throughout the British Empire.As the civil service was ultimately subject to the control of the British parliament, and the British community in India was subject to close mutual surveillance, the administration was virtually incorruptible. The army of the Company was a local mercenary force with 20,000-30,000 British officers and troops. It was by far the most modern and efficient army in Asia. After the Mutiny in 1857, the size of the British contingent was rai sed to a third of the total strength and all officers were British until the 1920s when a very small number of Indians was recruited.Normally, the total strength of the army was about 200,000. This army was very much smaller than those of Moghul India,3 but had better training and equipment, and the railway network (which was constructed partly for military reasons) gave it greater mobility, better logistics and intelligence. The higher ranks of the administration remained almost entirely British until the 1920s when the Indian civil service examinations began to be held in India as well as the UK. 4 In 3 addition, there was a whole hierarchy of separate bureaucracies in which the higher ranks were British, i. e. he revenue, justice, police, education, medical, public works, engineering, postal and railway services as well as the provincial civil services. India thus offered highly-paid careers to an appreciable portion of the British middle and upper classes (particularly for its p eripheral members from Scotland and Ireland). From the 1820s to the 1850s the British demonstrated a strong urge to change Indian social institutions, and to Westernize India. 5 They stamped out infanticide and ritual burning of widows (sati). They abolished slavery and eliminated dacoits (religious thugs) from the highways.They legalized the remarriage of widows and allowed Hindu converts to Christianity to lay claim to their share of joint family property. They took steps to introduce a penal code (the code was actually introduced in 1861) based on British law, which helped inculcate some ideas of equality. ‘Under his old Hindu law, a Brahmin murderer might not be put to death, while a Sudra who cohabited with a high-caste woman would automatically suffer execution. Under the new law, Brahmin and Sudra were liable to the same punishment for the same offence (6).There was a strong streak of Benthamite radicalism in the East India Company administration (7). James Mill became a senior company official in 1819 after writing a monumental history of India which showed a strong contempt for Indian institutions (8). From 1831 to 1836 he was the chief executive officer of the E. I. C. and his son John Stuart Mill worked for the Company from 1823 to 1858. Malthus was professor of economics at Haileybury, and the teaching there for future company officials was strongly influenced by Utilitarianism. Bentham himself was also consulted on the reform of Indian institutions.The Utilitarians deliberately used India to try out experiments and ideas (e. g. competitive entry for the civil service) which they would have liked to apply in England. The Utilitarians were strong supporters of laissez-faire and abhorred any kind of state interference to promote economic development. Thus they tended to rely on market forces to deal with famine problems, they did nothing to stimulate agriculture or protect industry. This laissez-faire tradition was more deeply embedded in the I ndian civil service than in the UK itself, and persisted very strongly until the late 1920s.The administration was efficient and incorruptible, but the state apparatus was of a watchdog character with few development ambitions. Even in 1936, more than half of government spending was for the military, justice, police and jails, and less than 3 per cent for agriculture (9). One of the most significant things the British did to Westernize India was to introduce a modified version of English education. Macaulay's 1835 Minute on Education had a decisive impact on British educational policy and is a classic example of a Western rationalist approach to Indian civilization.Before the British took over, the Court language of the Moghuls was Persian and the Muslim population used Urdu, a mixture of Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit. Higher education was largely religious and stressed knowledge of Arabic and Sanskrit. The Company had given some 4 financial support to a Calcutta Madrassa (1781), and a Sanskrit college at Benares (1792), Warren Hastings, as governor general from 1782 to 1795 had himself learned Sanskrit and Persian, and several other Company officials were oriental scholars.One of them, Sir William Jones, had translated a great mass of Sanskrit literature and had founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1785. But Macaulay was strongly opposed to this orientalism: â€Å"I believe that the present system tends, not to accelerate the progress of truth, but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. We are a Board for wasting public money, for printing books which are less value than the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank; for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics, absurd theology †¦ I have no knowledge of either Sanskrit or Arabic †¦But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value †¦ Who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth t he whole native literature of India and Arabia †¦ all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanskrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgements used at preparatory schools in England. † For these reasons Macaulay had no hesitation in deciding in favour of English education, but it was not to be for the masses: â€Å"It is impossible for us, with our limited means to attempt to educate the body of the people.We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the po pulation† (10). Until 1857 it was possible to entertain the view (as Marx id) that the British may eventually destroy traditional Indian society and Westernize the country (11). But activist Westernizing policies and the attempt to extend British rule by taking over native states whose rulers had left no heirs provoked sections of both the Hindu and Muslim communities into rebellion in the Mutiny of 1857. Although the Mutiny was successfully put down with substantial help from loyal Indian troops including the recently conquered Sikhs, British policy towards Indian institutions and society became much more conservative. The Crown took over direct responsibility and the East India Company was disbanded.The Indian civil service attracted fewer people with innovating ideas than had the East India Company and was more closely controlled from London. The British forged an alliance with the remaining native princes and stopped taking over new territory. Until the end of their rule a bout a quarter of the Indian population remained in quasiautonomous native states. These had official British residents but were fairly free in internal policy, and the effort of Westernization came to a standstill. 5 The education system which developed was a very pale reflection of that in the UK.Three universities were set up in 1857 in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, but they were merely examining bodies and did no teaching. Higher education was carried out in affiliated colleges which gave a two-year B. A. course with heavy emphasis on rote learning and examinations. Drop-out ratios were always very high. They did little to promote analytic capacity or independent thinking and produced a group of graduates with a half-baked knowledge of English, but sufficiently Westernized to be alienated from their own culture. 12 It was not until the 1920s that Indian universities provided teaching facilities and then only for M. A. tudents. Furthermore, Indian education was of a predominantly literacy character and the provision for technical training was much less than in any European country. Education for girls was almost totally ignored throughout the nineteenth century. Because higher education was in English, there was no official effort to translate Western literature into the vernacular, nor was there any standardization of Indian scripts whose variety is a major barrier to multi-lingualism amongst educated Indians. Primary education was not taken very seriously as a government obligation and was financed largely by the weak local authorities.As a result, the great mass of the population had no access to education and, at independence in 1947, 88 per cent were illiterate. Progress was accelerated from the 1930s onwards, but at independence only a fifth of children were receiving any primary schooling. Education could have played a major role in encouraging social mobility, eliminating religious superstition, increasing productivity, and uplifting the status of wo men. Instead it was used to turn a tiny elite into imitation Englishmen and a somewhat bigger group into government clerks. Having failed to Westernize India, the British established themselves as a separate ruling caste.Like other Indian castes, they did not intermarry or eat with the lower (native) castes. Thanks to the British public-school system, their children were shipped off and did not mingle with the natives. At the end of their professional careers they returned home. The small creole class of Anglo-Indians were outcastes unable to integrate into Indian or local British society (13). The British kept to their clubs and bungalows in special suburbs known as cantonments and civil lines. They maintained the Moghul tradition of official pomp, sumptuary residences, and retinues of servants (14).They did not adopt the Moghul custom of polygamy, but remained monogamous and brought in their own women. Society became prim and priggish (15). The British ruled India in much the same way as the Roman consuls had ruled in Africa 2,000 years earlier, and were very conscious of the Roman paradigm. The elite with its classical education and contempt for business were quite happy establishing law and order, and keeping ‘barbarians' at bay on the frontier of the raj. 16 They developed their own brand of self-righteous arrogance, considering themselves purveyors not of popular but of good government.For them the word ‘British' lost its geographic connotation and became an epithet signifying moral rectitude. 6 The striking thing about the British raj is that it was operated by so few people. There were only 31,000 British in India in 1805 (of which 22,000 were in the army and 2,000 in civil government) (17). The number increased substantially after the Mutiny, but thereafter remained steady. In 1911, there were 164,000 British (106,000 employed, of which 66,000 were in the army and police and 4,000 in civil government) (18). In 1931, there were 168,000 (90, 000 employed, 60,000 in the army and police and 4,000 in civil overnment). They were a thinner layer than the Muslim rulers had been (never more than 0. 05 per cent of the population). Because of the small size of the administration and its philosophy of minimal government responsibility outside the field of law and order, India ended the colonial period with a very low level of taxation. The British had inherited the Moghul tax system which provided a land revenue equal to 15 per cent of national income, but by the end of the colonial period land tax was only 1 per cent of national income and the total tax burden was only 6 per cent.It is curious that this large reduction in the fiscal burden has passed almost without comment in the literature on Indian economic history. 19 On the contrary, emphasis is usually place on the heaviness of the tax burden, e. g. by D. Naoroji and R. C. Dutt. Most of the benefits of the lower fiscal burden were felt by landlords, and were not passed on t o the mass of the population. In urban areas new classes emerged under British rule, i. e. industrial capitalists and a new bourgeoisie of bureaucrats, lawyers, doctors, teachers and journalists whose social position was due to education and training rather than heredity.In the princely states, the remnants of the Moghul aristocracy continued their extravagances – large palaces, harems, hordes of retainers, miniature armies, ceremonial elephants, tiger hunts, and stables full of Rolls Royces. Agriculture The colonial government made institutional changes in agriculture by transforming traditionally circumscribed property rights into something more closely resembling the unencumbered private property characteristic of Western capitalism. The beneficiaries of these new rights varied in different parts of India.The top layer of Moghul property, the jagir, was abolished (except in the autonomous princely states), and the bulk of the old warlord aristocracy was dispossessed. Their previous income from land revenue, and that of the Moghul state, was now appropriated by the British as land tax. However, in the Bengal presidency (i. e. modern Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and part of Madras) the second layer of Moghul property rights belonging to Moghul tax collectors (zamindars) was reinforced (20). All zamindars in these areas now had hereditary status, so long as they paid their land taxes, and their judicial and administrative functions disappeared (21).In the Moghul period the zamindars had usually kept a tenth of the land revenue to themselves, but by the end of British rule their income from rents was a multiple of the tax they paid to the state. In Bihar, for instance, five-sixths of the total sum levied by 1950 was rent and only one-sixth revenue (22). 7 However, zamindars were not really the equivalent of Western landowners. Dominant families in each village remained as their ‘tenants-in-chief’ and continued to enjoy many of the old customary rig hts, i. e. they could not be evicted, their rights were heritable and their rental payments could not be raised easily.Lower-caste families were usually sub-tenants of the tenants-in-chief, rather than direct tenants of the zamindars. Often there were several layers of tenancy between the actual cultivator and the zamindar. Sub-tenants had less security and less defence against rack-renting than tenants-in-chief. It is worth noting that when zamindari rights were abolished around 1952 and the old zamindar rental income was converted into state revenue, the amount involved was only about 2 per cent of farm income in the relevant areas of India.This suggests that by the end of the colonial period, the zamindars were not able to squeeze as much surplus out of their chief tenants as is sometimes suggested. The typical zamindari estate at the end of British rule seems to have been very different from that at the end of the eighteenth century. In Bengal the total â€Å"number of landowne rs which did not exceed 100 in the beginning of Hasting's administration in 1772, rose in the course of a century to 154,200†. In 1872 there were 154,200 estates of which â€Å"533, or 0. 34 per cent, only are great properties with an area of 20,000 acres and upwards; 15,747, or 10. 1 per cent, range from 500 to 20,000 acres in area; while the number of estates which fell short of 500 acres is no less than 137,920, or 89. 44 per cent, of the whole† (23). Misra attributes this fall in the average size of zamindari properties to the fact that they could be inherited or sold freely, whereas the Moghul state wanted to keep the number small because zamindars had administrative functions under the Moghul Empire. Under the British, transfers became much more frequent, particularly into the hands of moneylenders.The moneylenders are frequently presented as squeezing out poor peasants and tenantry and thus promoting the concentration of wealth, but the evidence of what happened to zamindar estates suggests that village moneylenders may also have helped to break up concentrations of wealth (24). In the Madras and Bombay Presidencies, which covered most of Southern India, the British dispossessed many of the old Moghul and Mahratta nobility and big zamindars, and vested property rights and tax obligations in individual ‘peasants'.This settlement was known as the ryotwari (peasant tenure) system. However, the term peasant is misleading, because most of those who acquired land titles belonged to the traditionally dominant castes in villages. Lower-caste cultivators became their tenants. Thus there was no change in social structure at the village level, except that the new ownership rights gave greater opportunities for sale and mortgage, and the security of the tenant was less than it had been under the previous system. The change in legal status was limited by several factors.First of all, illiterate peasant did not always understand the new situation, and there were strong social ties in the joint family and the caste panchayats to prevent major deviations from old habits Secondly, the new administration was rather remote from 8 individual villages (with a district officer responsible for over a thousand villages), and many British administrators had a personal bias in favour of customary tenant rights because by maintaining them they could avoid political trouble. At a later stage, the government itself introduced a good deal of legislation to protect customary rights in response to peasant disturbances. 5 Land policy was, therefore, another instance of British policy of halfWesternization. The change from custom to contract was not nearly as sharp as that brought about in Japan by the Meiji land reforms. The British were more concerned with arrangements which would guarantee their revenue and not provoke too much political disturbance rather than in increasing productivity or introducing capitalist institutions. The Utilitarian s who dominated the Company from 1820 to 1850 would have liked to push in this direction, but they were displaced at mid-century by the paternalist conservatives f the Imperial raj.Nevertheless, there were some economic consequences of the new legal situation. Because of the emergence of clear titles, it was now possible to mortgage land. The status of moneylenders was also improved by the change from Muslim to British law. There had been moneylenders in the Moghul period, but their importance grew substantially under British rule, and over time a considerable amount of land changed hands through foreclosures (26). Over time, two forces raised the income of landowners. One of these was the increasing scarcity of land as population expanded. This raised land values and rents.The second was the decline in the incidence of land tax. Indian literature usually stresses the heavy burden of land tax in the early days of British rule, but the fact that it fell substantially over time is sel dom noted (27). The Moghul land tax was about 30 per cent of the crop, but by 1947 land tax was only 2 per cent of agricultural income. The fall was most marked in Bengal where the tax was fixed in perpetuity in 1793, but it was also true in other areas. As a result of these changes, there was not only an increase in village income but a widening of income inequality within villages.The village squirearchy received relatively higher incomes because of the reduced burden of land tax and the increase in rents; tenants and agricultural labourers may well have experienced a decline in income because their traditional rights were curtailed and their bargaining power was reduced by land scarcity. The class of landless agricultural labourers grew in size under British rule, but modern scholarship has shown that they were not a â€Å"creation† of the British (28). They were about 15 per cent of the rural population at the end of the eighteenth century, and about a quarter of the labo ur force now.Although these were important modifications in the village structure, the traditional hierarchy of caste was not destroyed. Income differentials widened, but the social and ritual hierarchy in villages did not change its character. Village society was not egalitarian in Moghul times, and in most cases those whose income rose in the British period were already socially dominant, although there were exceptions (29). Recent sociological studies, although they indicate 9 changes in the British period, also portray a village hierarchy in the 1940s and 1950s which cannot be very different from that in the Moghul period (30).We still find a dominant caste of petty landlords, an intermediate group of tenants, village artisans tied by jajmani relationships, a group of low-status labourers, untouchable menials with the whole held together by the same elaborate system of caste. One might have expected the legal changes introduced by the British to have had a positive effect on eff iciency. They removed the class of jagirdars who had no incentive to invest in agriculture, and gave land rights to rural capitalists who could buy and sell land fairly freely and enjoy an increasing portion of the product.Moneylenders helped to root out improvident or inefficient landowners. However, most farmers were illiterate and the government did not provide research or extension services, or encourage the use of fertilizers. Until recently, with the arrival of the tubewell, there were technical limits to the possibility of small-scale irrigation. There were also organizational difficulties in changing technique to improve productivity. The division of labour in the village and hereditary attitudes to work as a semi-religious ritual rather than a means to improve income were obstacles to change.Furthermore, a good many of the cultivating landowners whose income was increased were relatively poor and used their increased income for consumption rather than investment. Some of th ose who were better off probably improved their land or took over waste land, but as religion inculcated the idea that manual labour was polluting, some of them probably worked less (31). The big zamindars used some of their extra income to develop waste land, but many cultivated a life style rather like the old Moghul aristocracy and had a high propensity to consume. According to Raychaudhuri, â€Å"a zamindar's house with a hundred rooms was not exceptional†.Some of the enterprising ones probably transferred their savings out of agriculture into trade and industry or bought their children a Western-type education. Thus the effect of the change was to increase productivity and savings, but not much. During the period of British rule, agricultural production grew substantially in order to feed a population which grew from 165 million in 1757 to 420 million in 1947. The new system of land ownership offered some stimulus to increase output, and there was substantial waste land available for development. The colonial government made some contribution towards increased output through irrigation.The irrigated area was increased about eightfold, and eventually more than a quarter of the land of British India was irrigated. 33 Irrigation was extended both as a source of revenue and as a measure against famine. A good deal of the irrigation work was in the Punjab and Sind. The motive here was to provide land for retired Indian army personnel, many of whom came from the Punjab, and to build up population in an area which bordered on the disputed frontier with Afghanistan. These areas, which had formerly been desert, became the biggest irrigated area in the world and a major producer of wheat nd cotton, both for export and for sale in other parts of India. 10 Apart from government investment in irrigation, there was a substantial private investment, and by the end of British rule private irrigation investment covered nearly 25 million acres of British India. Impr ovements in transport facilities (particularly railways, but also steamships and the Suez canal) helped agriculture by permitting some degree of specialization on cash crops. This increased yields somewhat, but the bulk of the country stuck to subsistence farming. Plantations were developed for indigo, sugar, jute and tea.These items made a significant contribution to exports, but in the context of Indian agriculture as a whole, they were not very important. In 1946, the two primary staples, tea and jute, were less than 3. 5 per cent of the gross value of crop output. 34 Thus the enlargement of markets through international trade was less of a stimulus in India than in other Asian countries such as Ceylon, Burma or Thailand (35). Little was done to promote agricultural technology. There was some improvement in seeds, but no extension service, no improvement in livestock and no official encouragement to use fertilizer.Lord Mayo, the Governor General, said in 1870, â€Å"I do not kno w what is precisely meant by ammoniac manure. If it means guano, superphosphate or any other artificial product of that kind, we might as well ask the people of India to manure their ground with champagne† (36). Statistics are not available on agricultural output for the first century and a half of British rule, but all the indications suggest that there was substantial growth. We do not know whether output rose faster or more slowly than population, but it seems likely that the movements were roughly parallel.For the last half century of British rule, the main calculations of output are those by George Blyn. His first study, which has been widely quoted, was published in 1954 by the National Income Unit of the Indian government and showed only a 3 per cent increase in crop output in British India from 1893 to 1946, i. e. a period in which population increased 46 per cent! His second study, published in 1966 showed a 16. 6 per cent increase, and this, too, has been widely quot ed, but he also gives a ‘modified' series which shows a 28. 9 per cent increase.This seems preferable, as the official figures on rice yields in Orissa, which are corrected in his â€Å"modified† estimate, seem obviously in error. However, even Blyn's upper estimate is probably an understatement because he shows a very small increase in acreage. It is difficult to believe that per capita food output could have gone down as much as he suggests, whilst waste land remained unused. There has been a very big increase in the cultivated area since independence and it seems likely that the increase in the preceding half century was bigger than Blyn suggests.Therefore, my own estimate of crop output (Appendix B) for 1900-46, uses Blyn's figures on yields but assumes that the cultivated area rose by 23 per cent (Sivasubramonian's figure) rather than by 12. 2 per cent (Blyn's figure) (37). My estimate shows agricultural output rising about the same amount as population from 1900 t o 1946. However, even this may be too low. The basic reports on areas under cultivation are those provided by village accountants 11 (patwaris) in areas where land revenue was periodically changed, and by village watchmen (chowkidars) in areas where the land revenue was permanently settled.There was some incentive for farmers to bribe patwaris to under-report land for tax purposes, and chowkidars are all too often illiterate and drowsy people, who would usually report that things were normal, i. e. the same as the year before. There is, therefore, a tendency for under-reporting of both levels and rates of growth in areas covered by statistics, and the areas not covered by statistics were generally on the margin of cultivation and may have had a more steeply rising trend than the average area covered.Thus Blyn shows no growth in output in Bengal where the chowkidars did the basic reporting. He did not cover the Sind desert area in which the British built the huge Sukkur barrage in 19 32. Blyn was, of course, aware of these difficulties and tried to correct for them as far as possible, but the fundamental problems are not amenable to ‘statistical' manipulation but require ‘hunch' adjustment.My own conclusion from the evidence available is that agricultural output per head was at least as high at the end of British rule as it was in the Moghul period, and that rural consumption levels were somewhat higher because of the lower tax burden on agriculture, and the smaller degree of wastage which allowed surplus areas to sell their grains. This slight improvement in standards may have contributed to the expansion in population. However, agricultural yields and nutritional levels at independence were amongst the lowest in the world. Under British rule, the Indian population remained subject to recurrent famines and epidemic diseases.In 1876-8 and 1899-1900 famine killed millions of people. In the 1890s there was a widespread outbreak of bubonic plague and in 1919 a great influenza epidemic. It is sometimes asserted by Indian nationalist historians that British policy increased the incidence of famine in India, particularly in the nineteenth century (38). Unfortunately we do not have any figures on agricultural production for this period, and it is difficult to base a judgement merely on catalogues of famine years whose intensity we cannot measure. As agriculture was extended to more marginal land one would have expected output to become more volatile.But this was offset to a considerable extent by the major improvement in transport brought by railways, and the greater security of water supply brought by irrigation. It is noteworthy that the decades in which famines occurred were ones in which population was static rather than falling. 39 In the 1920s and 1930s there were no famines, and the 1944 famine in Bengal was due to war conditions and transport difficulties rather than crop failure. However, the greater stability after 1920 may have been partly due to a lucky break in the weather cycle40 rather than to a new stability of agriculture.British rule reduced some of the old checks on Indian population growth. The main contribution was the ending of internal warfare and local banditry. There was some reduction in the incidence of famine. The death rate was also reduced to some degree by making ritual suicide and infanticide illegal. The British contributed to public health by introducing smallpox vaccination, establishing Western medicine and training modern doctors, by killing rats, and establishing 12 quarantine procedures. As a result, the death rate fell and the population of India grew by 1947 to more than two-and-a-half times its size in 1757.Industry Several Indian authors have argued that British rule led to a de-industrialization of India. R. C. Dutt argued, â€Å"India in the eighteenth century was a great manufacturing as well as a great agricultural country, and the products of the Indian loom suppl ied the markets of Asia and Europe. It is, unfortunately, true that the East India Company and the British Parliament, following the selfish commercial policy of a hundred years ago, discouraged Indian manufacturers in the early years of British rule in order to encourage the rising manufactures of England.Their fixed policy, pursued during the last decades of the eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth, was to make India subservient to the industries of Great Britain, and to make the Indian people grow raw produce only, in order to supply material for the looms and manufactories of Great Britain† (41). R. Palme Dutt, writing forty years later, argued that the process had been continuous: â€Å"the real picture of modern India is a picture of what has been aptly called â€Å"de-industrialization†that is, the decline of the old handicraft industry without the compensating advance of modern industry.The advance of factory industry has not overtaken the decay of handicraft. The process of decay characteristic of the nineteenth century has been carried forward in the twentieth century and in the post-war period† (42). Nehru, in his popular history is a conflation of the two Dutts, argued that the British deindustrialized India, and that this â€Å"is the real the fundamental cause of the appalling poverty of the Indian people, and it is of comparatively recent origin† (43).There is a good deal of truth in the deindustrialization argument. Moghul India did have a bigger industry than any other country which became a European colony, and was unique in being an industrial exporter in pre-colonial times. A large part of the Moghul industry was destroyed in the course of British rule. However, it is important to understand precisely how this deindustrialization came about and to try to get some idea of its quantitative significance in different periods.Oversimplified explanations, which exaggerate the role of British commer cial policy and ignore the role of changes in demand and technology, have been very common and have had some adverse impact on post-independence economic policy (44). Between 1757 and 1857 the British wiped out the Moghul court, and eliminated threequarters of the warlord aristocracy (all except those in princely states). They also eliminated more than half of the local chiefs (zamindars) and in their place established a bureaucracy with European tastes. The new rulers wore European clothes and shoes, drank imported beer, wines and spirits, and used European weapons.Their tastes were copied by the male members of the new Indian ‘middle class' which arose to act as their clerks and intermediaries. As a result of these political and social 13 changes, about three-quarters of the domestic demand for luxury handicrafts was destroyed. This was a shattering blow to manufacturers of fine muslins, jewellery, luxury clothing and footwear, decorative swords and weapons. It is not known how important these items were in national income, but my own guess would be that the home market for these goods was about 5 per cent of Moghul national income. The export market was probably another 1. per cent of national income, and most of this market was also lost. There was a reduction of European demand because of the change in sartorial tastes after the French revolution, and the greatly reduced price of more ordinary materials because of the revolution of textile technology in England. The second blow to Indian industry came from massive imports of cheap textiles from England after the Napoleonic wars. In the period 1896-1913, imported piece goods supplied about 60 per cent of Indian cloth consumption,45 and the proportion was probably higher for most of the nineteenth century.Home spinning, which was a spare-time activity of village women, was greatly reduced. A large proportion of village hand-loom weavers must have been displaced, though many switched to using factory i nstead of home-spun yarn. Even as late as 1940 a third of Indian piece goods were produced on hand looms (46). The new manufactured textile goods were considerably cheaper (47) and of better quality than hand-loom products, so their advent increased textile consumption. At the end of British rule, there can be no doubt that cloth consumption per head was substantially larger than in the Moghul period.We do not know how big an increase in textile consumption occurred, but if per capita consumption of cotton cloth doubled (which seems quite plausible), then the displacement effect on hand-loom weavers would have been smaller than at first appears. The hand-loom weavers who produced a third of output in 1940 would have been producing two-thirds if there had been no increase in per capita consumption. In time, India built up her own textile manufacturing industry which displaced British imports. But there was a gap of several decades before manufacturing started and a period of 130 year s before British textile imports were eliminated.India could probably have copied Lancashire's technology more quickly if she had been allowed to impose a protective tariff in the way that was done in the USA and France in the first few decades of the nineteenth century, but the British imposed a policy of free trade. British imports entered India duty free, and when a small tariff was required for revenue purposes Lancashire pressure led to the imposition of a corresponding excise duty on Indian products to prevent them gaining a competitive advantage. This undoubtedly handicapped industrial development.If India had been politically independent, her tax structure would probably have been different. In the 1880s, Indian customs revenues were only 2. 2 per cent of the trade turnover, i. e. the lowest ratio in any country. In Brazil, by contrast, import duties at that period were 21 per cent of trade turnover. 48 If India had enjoyed protection there is no doubt that its textile indus try would have started earlier and grown faster. 14 The first textile mills were started in the 1850s by Indian capitalists who had made their money trading with the British and had acquired some education in English.Cotton textiles were launched in Bombay with financial and managerial help from British trading companies. India was the first country in Asia to have a modern textile industry, preceding Japan by twenty years and China by forty years. Cotton mills were started in Bombay in 1851, and they concentrated on coarse yarns sold domestically and to China and Japan; yarn exports were about half of output. Modern jute manufacturing started about the same time as cotton textiles. The first jute mill was built in 1854 and the industry expanded rapidly in the vicinity of Calcutta. The industry was largely in the hands of foreigners (mainly Scots).Between 1879 and 1913 the number of jute spindles rose tenfold – much faster than growth in the cotton textile industry. The jute industry was able to expand faster than cotton textiles because its sales did not depend so heavily on the povertystricken domestic markets. Most of jute output was for export. Coal mining, mainly in Bengal, was another industry which achieved significance. Its output, which by 1914 had reached 15. 7 million tons, largely met the demands of the Indian railways. In 1911 the first Indian steel mill was built by the Tata Company at Jamshedpur in Bihar.However, production did not take place on a significant scale before the First World War. The Indian steel industry started fifteen years later than in China, where the first steel mill was built at Hangyang in 1896. The first Japanese mill was built in 1898. In both China and Japan the first steel mills (and the first textile mills) were government enterprises. Indian firms in industry, insurance and banking were given a boost from 1905 onwards by the swadeshi movement, which was a nationalist boycott of British goods in favour of Indian enterprise.During the First World War, lack of British imports strengthened the hold of Indian firms on the home market for textiles and steel. After the war, under nationalist pressure, the government started to favour Indian enterprise in its purchase of stores and it agreed to create a tariff commission in 1921 which started raising tariffs for protective reasons. By 1925, the average tariff level was 14 per cent49 compared with 5 per cent pre-war. The procedure for fixing tariffs was lengthy and tariff protection was granted more readily to foreign-owned than to Indian firms, but in the 1930s protection was sharply increased (50).The government was more willing to protect the textile industry when the threat came from Japan and not the UK. Between 1930 and 1934 the tariff on cotton cloth was raised from 11 to 50 per cent, although British imports were accorded a margin of preference. As a result of these measures, there was considerable substitution of local textiles for import s. In 1896, Indian mills supplied only 8 per cent of total cloth consumption; in 1913, 20 per cent; in 1936, 62 per cent; and in 1945, 76 per cent (51). By the latter date there were no imports of piece goods. 15Until the end of the Napoleonic wars, cotton manufactures had been India's main export. They reached their peak in 1798, and in 1813 they still amounted to ? 2 million, but thereafter they fell rapidly (52). Thirty years later, half of Indian imports were cotton textiles from Manchester. This collapse in India's main export caused a problem for the Company, which had to find ways to convert its rupee revenue into resources transferable to the UK. The Company therefore promoted exports of raw materials on a larger scale, including sugar, silk, saltpetre and indigo, and greatly increased exports of opium which were traded against Chinese tea.These dopepeddling efforts provoked the Anglo-Chinese war of 1842, after which access to the Chinese market was greatly widened. By the m iddle of the nineteenth century opium was by far the biggest export of India, and remained in this position until the 1880s when its relative and absolute importance began to decline. Another new export was raw cotton, which could not compete very well in European markets against higher quality American and Egyptian cottons, (except during the US Civil War), but found a market in Japan and China.Sugar exports were built up after 1833 when the abolition of slavery raised West Indian production costs, but India had no long-run comparative advantage in sugar exports. Indigo (used to dye textiles) was an important export until the 1890s when it was hit by competition from German synthetic dyes. The jute industry boomed from the time of the Crimean War onwards, when the UK stopped importing flax from Russia. In addition to raw jute (shipped for manufacture in Dundee) India exported jute manufactures. Grain exports were also built up on a sizeable scale, mainly from the newly irrigated ar ea of the Punjab.The tea industry was introduced to India from China and built up on a plantation basis. Tea exports became important from the 1860s onwards. Hides and skins and oil cake (used as animal feed and fertilizer) were also important raw material exports. Table 3-1 Level of Asian Exports f. o. b. 1850-1950 (million dollars) 1850 1913 1937 1950 Ceylon 5 76 124 328 China 24 294 516 (700) India 89 786 717 1,178 Indonesia 24 270 550 800 Japan 1 354 1,207 820 Malaya 24 193 522 1,312 Philippines n. a. 48 153 331 Thailand 3 43 76 304 Figures refer to customs area of the year concerned.In 1850 and 1913 the Indian area included Burma. The comparability of 1937 and 1950 figures is affected by the separation of Pakistan. Manufactured textile exports form India began to increase in the 1850s when the first modern mills were established. The bulk of exports were yarn and crude piece goods which were sold in China and Japan. As the Chinese and Japanese were prevented by colonial-type tr eaties from 16 imposing tariffs for manufactured imports they were wide open to Indian goods, and particularly cotton textiles and yarn.Indian jute manufactures were exported mainly to Europe and the USA However, India began to suffer from Japanese competition in the 1890s. Indian yarn exports to Japan dropped sharply from 8,400 tons in 1890 to practically nothing in 1898, and India also suffered from Japanese competition in China. The Japanese set up factories in China after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-5. Before this, India had supplied 96 per cent of Chinese yarn imports, the UK 4 per cent, and Japan none. Within three years the Japanese were supplying a quarter to Chinese imports, and by 1914 India was exporting less yarn to China than was Japan.During the First World War Japan made further progress in the Chinese market and by 1924 supplied threequarters of Chinese imports. By 1928 India was exporting only 3 per cent of her yarn output. By the end of the 1930s, Indian exports of yarn to China and Japan had disappeared, piece goods exports had fallen off, and India imported both yarn and piece goods from China and Japan. Indian exports grew fairly rapidly in the period up to 1913, but their growth was slower than that of most other Asian countries which had a natural resource endowment offering greater opportunities for trade.As a consequence, in 1913, India had a smaller trade per head than most countries except China. Nevertheless, exports were 10. 7 per cent of national income, probably a higher ratio than has been reached before or since. Until 1898 India, like most Asian countries, was on the silver standard. In the 1870s the price of silver began to fall and the rupee depreciated against sterling. This led to some rise in the internal price level, but it helped to make Indian exports more competitive with those of the UK, e. g. in the Chinese textile market.In 1898, India adopted a gold exchange standard which tied the rupee to sterling at a fixed v alue of 15 to 1. This weakened her competitiveness vis-a-vis China which remained on a depreciating silver standard, but its potential adverse effects were mitigated because Japan went on to the gold exchange standard at the same time. During the First World War, when the sterling exchange rate was allowed to float, the rupee appreciated. Unfortunately, when sterling resumed a fixed (and overvalued) parity in 1925, the rupee exchange rate was fixed above the pre-war level.This overvaluation eased the fiscal problems of government in making transfers to the UK and enabled British residents in India, or those on Indian pensions in the UK, to get more sterling for their rupees, but it made it necessary for domestic economic policy to be deflationary (in cutting wages) and greatly hindered Indian exports, particularly those to or competing with China and Japan. As a result, Indian exports fell from 1913 to 1937, a poorer performance than that of almost any other country.At independence exports were less than 5 per cent of national income. If we look at Indian export performance from 1850 to 1950 it was worse than that of any other country 17 in Asia (see Table 3-1). The Second World War gave a fillip to Indian industrial output, but there was not much increase in capacity because of the difficulty of importing capital goods and the lack of a domestic capital goods industry. Many of the most lucrative commercial, financial, business and plantation jobs in the modern sector were occupied by foreigners.Although the East India Company's legally enforced monopoly privileges were ended in 1833, the British continued to exercise effective dominance through the system of ‘managing agencies'. These agencies, originally set up by former employees of the East India Company, were used both to manage industrial enterprise and to handle most of India's international trade. They were closely linked with British banks, insurance and shipping companies. Managing agencies had a quasi-monopoly in access to capital, and they had interlocking directorships which gave them control over supplies and markets (53).They dominated the foreign markets in Asia. They had better access to government officials than did Indians. The agencies were in many ways able to take decisions favourable to their own interests rather than those of shareholders. They were paid commissions based on gross profits or total sales and were often agents for the raw materials used by the companies they managed. Thus the Indian capitalists who did emerge were highly dependent on British commercial capital and many sectors of industry were dominated by British firms, e. . shipping, banking, insurance, coal, plantation crops and jute. Indian industrial efficiency was hampered by the British administration's neglect of technical education, and the reluctance of British firms and managing agencies to provide training of managerial experience to Indians. Even in the Bombay textile industry, wh ere most of the capital was Indian, 28 per cent of the managerial and supervisory staff were British in 1925 (42 per cent in 1895) and the British component was even bigger in more complex industries.This naturally raised Indian production costs (54). At lower levels there was widespread use of jobbers for hiring workers and maintaining discipline, and workers themselves were a completely unskilled group who had to bribe the jobbers to get and retain their jobs. There were also problems of race, language and caste distinctions between management, supervisors and workers (55). The small size and very diversified output of the enterprises hindered efficiency.It is partly for these reasons (and the overvaluation of the currency) that Indian exports had difficulty in competing with Japan. The basic limitations on the growth of industrial output were the extreme poverty of the rural population, and the fact that a large proportion of the elite had a taste for imported goods or exported t heir purchasing power. The government eventually provided tariff protection but did not itself create industrial plants, sponsor development banks, or give preference to local industry in allotting contracts.The banking system gave little help to industry and technical education was poor. Most of these things changed when India became independent except the first and most important, i. e. the extreme poverty of the rural population which limited the expansion of the 18 market for industrial goods. By the time of independence, large-scale factory industry in India employed less than 3 million people as compared with 12 1/4 million in small-scale industry and handicrafts, and a labour force of 160 million. 6 This may appear meagre, but India's per capita industrial output at independence was higher than elsewhere in Asia outside Japan, and more than half of India's exports were manufactures. British policy was less repressive to local industry than that of other colonial power, and ha d permitted the emergence of a small but powerful class of Indian entrepreneurs. It should be noted, however, that modern industry was heavily concentrated in Calcutta, Bombay and Ahmedabad. The area which was to become Pakistan had practically no industry at all.Table 3-2 Industrial Growth in the Last Half Century of British Rule Small-scale enterprise Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 1900/1901 13,308 2,296 1945/1946 12,074 2,083 Factory establishments Employment Value added (thousands) (million 1938 rupees) 601 379 2,983 2,461 Source: S. Sivasubramonian, op. cit. , for employment and value added in factories. For small-scale enterprise I assume value added to move proportionately to employment. In the last half century of British rule the output of factory industry rose about six-fold (about 4. per cent a year) whereas the output of small-scale industry declined. Their joint output rose about two-thirds (1. 2 per cent a year), and per head of population, jo int output was rising by 0. 4 per cent a year. We know that output in the modern factory sector was zero in 1850, and if we assume that small enterprise output grew parallel with population from 1850 to 1900, then total industrial output would have grown by 0. 8 per cent a year in this period, or about 0. 3 per cent a year per head of population. Some increase seems plausible in this period of railway development and expanding international trade.It therefore seems possible that in the last century of British rule, per capita output of industrial goods rose by a third. But in the first century of British rule, i. e. 17571857, it seems certain that industrial output fell per head of population because (a) the home and domestic market for luxury goods was cut so drastically; (b) the home market for yarn and cheap cloth was invaded by foreign competition. Over the whole period of British rule it therefore seems likely that industrial output per head of the population was not significan tly changed.The Economic Burden of Foreign Rule The major burden of foreign rule arose from the fact that the British raj was a regime of expatriates. Under an Indian administration, income from government service would have accrued to the local inhabitants and not to foreigners. The diversion of upper-class income into the hands of foreigners 19 inhibited the development of local industry because it put purchasing power into the hands of people with a taste for foreign goods. This increased imports and was particularly damaging to the luxury handicraft industries.Another important effect of foreign rule on the long-run growth potential of the economy was the fact that a large part of its potential savings were siphoned abroad. This ‘drain' of funds from India to the UK has been a point of major controversy between Indian nationalist historians and defenders of the British raj. However, the only real grounds for controversy are statistical. There can be no denial that there wa s a substantial outflow which lasted for 190 years. If these funds had been invested in India they could have made a significant contribution to raising income levels.The first generation of British rulers was rapacious. Clive took quarter of a million pounds

The Paradox of Morgan le Fay

In Arthurian legend and Celtic myths, Morgan le Fay takes on a wide range of identities and personas – she is sister, sorceress, wise mother, implacable nemesis, and later, grieving goddess – making her one of the most paradoxical and dynamic characters in lore and literature. Charlotte Spivack notes in Popular Arthurian Traditions that Morgana le Fay, beautiful and nurturing, first appears in the works of Geoffrey of Monmouth, as one of â€Å"the nine sisters of the holy isle of Avalon† (18). In some texts, she is sister or half-sister to the King Arthur, and in other literature, it is he with whom she begets a child, Morgan (Joe). She is a benevolent figure in the earlier British romantic verses, and it is her remarkable healing powers that make her so. In The Grail from Celtic Myth to Christian Symbol, Arthurian scholar Roger Looms notes that â€Å"There is no attribute of Morgan's better authenticated than her power of healing† (161). In later literature, her identity starts to change and she is portrayed as â€Å"a malicious master of the black arts† (Spivack 18). Maureen Fries notes, in â€Å"Female Heroes, Heroines and Counter-Heroes: Images of Women in Arthurian Tradition† that her degeneration in the later retellings of the myths stems from society’s changing outlook, as her traits start as noble skills of a goddess, and then morphs into the destructive magic of witches and sorceresses (13). Her powers and her role center towards the destruction of King Arthur, and she comes up with several elaborate ploys to kill him, all of which fail, not for want of clever and diabolic planning, but of fate, as in the case of the assassin she sent, whose horse trips on a hole (Spivack 31). However, she reverts to her nurturing goddess role, again playing the role of healer and protector to King Arthur, whose fate ultimately leads him, in his final moments, to her grieving care in the isle of Avalon (Fries 13). Although portraying a range of roles and intentions, it is the contradictions of Morgan le Fay that make her resonate in the Arthurian legends. Works Cited Fries, Maureen. â€Å"Female Heroes, Heroines and Counter-Heroes: Images of Women in Arthurian Tradition.† Popular Arthurian Traditions. Ed. Sally K. Slocum. Bowling Green, OH: Popular Press, 1992. Joe, Jimmy. â€Å"Morgan Le Fay.† Timeless Myths: Arthurian Women. 24 June 1999. 03 May 2008. ;http://www.timelessmyths.com/arthurian/women.html#Morgan;. Loomis Roger Sherman. The Grail from Celtic Myth to Christian Symbol. New York: Columbia University Library, 1965. Spivack, Charlotte. â€Å"Morgan le Fay: Goddess or Witch?† The Company of Camelot: Arthurian Characters in Romance and Fantasy. Eds. Charlotte Spivack and Roberta Lynne Staples. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1994.

My View of the World Essay

As I stand here looking over the lush green foliage of thousands of trees, I glanced down toward the base of the mountain to see curvy, windy roads, weaving in and out between tiny little box houses, plotted around here and there. I can see for miles and miles, the views are breath taking. That’s mostly why people come to see me, to look out with me, to see the fantastic views. My arms are sore from standing here for about 75 years, just doing nothing but wondering. For many months I have started to think what is beyond the horizon of the sea. There could be a whole new world over the edge. Is there even an edge? Who knows? Years ago those little things climbed on my feet, just to get a better view or to pose in front of a compact box, with a blinding flash for a couple of seconds, but now there are large metallic fences at my feet. This is predominantly because I am old, weary and wearing out so I need protecting. People get here in many different ways, clear boxes which travel up and down continuously, moving stairs, or climbing 222 steps reaching the summit, exhausted. Oh yeah! I forgot to say about the odd people that walk all the way up the ridge of mount Corcovado who wear small shorts, long pulled up socks, big chunky boots, weird hats and really, really big bags on their backs. They come in there hordes, they come in all shapes and sizes; big ones; small ones; fat ones; thin ones; some are noisy; some are quiet; some just scream and laugh; some are in awe of me and gaze up at me, as I gaze out at the horizon. These people see me as a god, but if only it were true because all I want to do is just fly to the moon, to the white wonderful wide space, where I could rest my sore painful arms and legs. No one knows the pain I’m in or even know I have any feelings. I remember the journey of how I came to be here. I was created by a local engineer called Heitor da Silva Costa. He made me out of reinforced concrete and layers of soap stone. Firstly I was going to be made out of steel but that wouldn’t of had much of a chance against extreme weather conditions. I was built in small chunks and slowly brought to the top by a struggling train on the Corcovado Rack Railway. Then I was pieced together bit by bit, slowly rising above the ridge to embrace the people of the world. Through my amazingly large nostrils I can smell the wondrous cuisine from the land below swirling and rising up the mountain side. Just after dark the surroundings black out and all attention is drawn towards the bright lights of the city. Although no one else sees it, it’s not all happiness up here. I have seen many things in my life like robbery’s, suicides, murders, but what always happens almost every night is groups of people sell drugs and sit there injecting liquids into their arms, snorting dust and sniffing corrosive fumes of acids. The fumes are so strong even I get a headache and my heads made out of concrete! It is disgusting what they do, but it is what they want to do, and what could I do any way. As dawn emerges it makes up for the previous night. The sun rises and a new day begins. In the early morning, the mountain air is fresh and crisp; the sun rises leisurely, bringing a slow warmth to the city. The most beautiful part of the day is now, when it is peaceful and you can hear the chirping of the birds below. The heat from the sun breaks through my layers of soap stone reaching into the hard cold concrete inside.

Child Protection is part of a continuum of good child-care practice Essay

Child Protection is part of a continuum of good child-care practice that supports children's early development and learning. Discuss - Essay Example Some questions are often posted when experts and professionals discuss the issue of child protection: are children truly abused or molested by their parents and guardians? What are the actions that constitute these abnormal behaviours in people that are naturally expected to provide cares and love for these little ones? According to National Society for the Protection of Cruelty to Children NSPCC, children in the United Kingdom are abused in the following ways: physically, sexually, and mentally or psychologically (Cawson et al. 45). The manifestations of these abuses include: physical neglect of children that make them look dirty, uncared-for, forlorn and underfed; emotional and psychological maltreatment that make them appear disconnected from the society and their peers; physical abuse that comes from violent and irate parents and guardians who indiscriminately treat their children without respect for their rights; discrimination and constant bullying from parents that abused alcohol and other dangerous drugs; and the worst of all, sexual abuse of children and minors. In practice, professionals have worked so hard to unearth the reasons why the problem of child abuse is on the rise. Some theories about children abuse have been propounded; however, it is eye-opening to notice that parents or guardians that abuse the children in their custodies do so out of negligence, ignorance, drug or substance-motivated and self-reflection, if they had been victims of child abuse themselves (Cawson et al 58). This circumstance creates a serious social problem when those who should protect the children are the ones preying on or abusing them. Schaffer reckons that a child that is subjected to incessant abuse for a lengthened period of time would have what is referred to as â€Å"stunted growth and poor learning ability† (185). Experts have cleverly discovered that unprotected children from continuous abuse

Employment of Forensic Science Examinations within the U.S. Military Dissertation

Employment of Forensic Science Examinations within the U.S. Military - Dissertation Example It is also very light and easy reading and does not make use of technical terms to express its important elements and details. The disadvantages of this article are that firstly, it is not an academic paper hence its sources are not cited and supported. Secondly, most of its data do not come from primary evidence as most of them come from second-hand data secured from other authors and other studies. Nevertheless, this study establishes a clear picture of the value and importance of DNA and forensic evidence in the criminal justice system within and outside the military system. In a paper by the Committee on Identifying the Needs of the Forensic Sciences Community (2009), the committee carried out a study on the strengthening of forensic science in the United States. The study discussed the different recommendations of a Senate Report on assessment of forensic science needs of state, and local authorities; on the maximal use of the resources for forensic sciences; identification of p otential forensic advancements; on the recommendations of programs to increase qualified forensic sciences; and on the assessment of the role of the forensic community in homeland security. This study also identified issues on limited resources in the application and the use of forensic science. These issues also include the transition of forensic science into the process of litigation which may sometimes translate to gaps in its application. The study makes different recommendations which include the increase of funding and allocation in forensic science, the use of standard terminology in the reporting of forensic examinations, research on validity and reliability of forensic science, studies on the improvement of the... This study is advantageous because it specifies the different issues which forensic science is facing, and these issues are well-supported by evidence. Proper sources are provided by the committee and are used as basis for the review and assessment of the forensic science and its applications in the actual practice. The issues are also clearly defined by the committee and the causes as well as the possible recommended solutions to each issue are also clearly presented by the committee. Recommendations in relation to homeland security are also established by the committee, and this is based on the specifications of the Senate report. This report is also an academic and scholarly paper because the details it includes and discusses are well supported by verifiable and reliable evidence. Although it is a report supported by the government, there is no sign of bias or falsehood in its content. This report is disadvantageous in the sense that it does not provide sufficient data and support on the current applications of forensic science in the military. Although it provides a discussion on forensic science in terms of the Department of Homeland Security, it does not provide a picture of how forensic science can be applied in the military in their criminal investigations. There is a need therefore for future studies of this committee to consider the actual applications of forensic science in the military and to review how well they blend in into the system and how well they assist personnel in the application of the criminal justice system.

Managing People Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Managing People - Essay Example Therefore culture is defined as ‘the way we do things around here’. Analysis Corporate culture is usually described as ‘the way we do things around here’. It is considered as a set of rules that each and everyone in the organisation learns to follow and thereby influences the behaviour of the employees. Corporate culture often determines the behaviour of the people within business and also the level of motivation within its employees. The culture of the organisation can influence how traditional or forward thinking is the way the company operates (Dooley, 2005, p.139). It is the feel of the organisation which is quickly picked up the new members. Culture is ‘the way we do things around here’. It is a powerful tool and is likely to become more visible when organisations implements new strategies. Thus its human nature to resist change in the way they do things and similarly its nature of the human to change the culture in which they work and live (Carroll, 2009, p.95). The key drivers of ‘the way we do things around here’ are multiple. The behaviour of the management is one of the major drivers of culture as the people observe the behaviour of the management rather than on what they say. ... 31-33). Organisational culture or corporate culture is set of values, beliefs and assumptions which is shared by member of an organisation and also teaches the new member of the organisation to think feel and act in the right way. The cultural perspective of every organisation believes that every organisation develop a unique mixture of standards, values, practise and presumptions of how things should be conducted which later becomes habit (Ashman & Hull, 2011, p.134). Organisational culture comprises of two important components, shared values and assumptions. Values are defined as a conscious perception of what is good and bad or what is right or wrong, values implies what is ought to do. It refers to as a moral compass which directly motivates the decision. Values that exist within organisation are referred to as shared values. These are the values that employees have in common and within the organisation. Assumptions are beliefs or perception that have worked for the organisation in the past and are considered to be correct way to think and act towards any problems and opportunities. These assumptions are taken for granted and are difficult to change (Mcshane, 2008, p. 492). Organisational culture is the outcome of set of dynamics and also acts as an influence of those dynamics. The jargon, ‘the way we do things around here’ is a powerful insight in a company’s culture (Stanford, 2011, pp. 1). Understanding the concept of culture is important for a manager in order to adapt more easily to their new surroundings. Thus managers should learn how to adapt to an environment so that the manager can work effectively. But despite of the manager’s strong desire to understand and adopt

Spiritual care Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Spiritual care - Assignment Example isasters like earthquake, floods and droughts are usually blamed on supernatural causes whereby â€Å"God† has been â€Å"blamed† for the cause, as a punishment to a community. At this point, the spiritual aspect of an individual or a community should be taken into consideration during therapy to recover from the disaster aftermath (Jose, 2010). Community health nurse has a role to play in assisting the spiritual care of an individual, community or colleagues after a disaster has strike. The nurse should listen carefully to the accounts of different people in relation to the event and draw a well spiritual plan of care. The nurse can incorporate various religious leaders to come and provide a spiritual encouragement to individuals or community members. By doing this, the community members may feel spiritually healed since they believe that their prayers have been sent and received, and such a disaster will not reoccur. The nurse should be empathetic, offer prayers, listen actively without judging and share the emotions appropriately. Such methods make an individual to have peace in heart and accelerate the recovery from the disaster. Organizing community memorial services, anniversary dates and retreat opportunities to colleagues as such, interventions offer long-term recovery (Van Leeuwen & Cusveller,

Globalization (Korean-wave or Korean-pop) Research Paper

Globalization (Korean-wave or Korean-pop) - Research Paper Example This research will help the people to understand what the effect of globalization of different culture is and how it helps the Korean Pop culture to spread all across the globe. Apart from that this research paper will also help us to discuss the effect of globalization on the Korean Pop culture and also how it influences other music types across the globe. With the help of this research paper we can analyze the effect of globalization in a particular field like culture and music. Being a culturally rich country, the main aim of Korea is to spread their culture all across the globe. These reviews will help us analyze different positive and negative effects of globalization, how Korean wave culture uses this concept of globalization in their advantage to promote their culture. The working thesis of this paper will be â€Å"globalization is just a supporting tool not the essential one to promote the Korean Pop culture as this culture have the essence in it to get noticed by the world†. The answer of the research questions will be based on the literature review, primary research. Through literature review we will discuss about different author’s and scholars viewpoint about how the globalization plays a role in cultural mix and match across the globe and how it plays a role in the journey of Korean pop music. The primary research will help us to get the present conception about the effects of globalization on the Korean culture in terms of both positive and negative, along with the opinion of common man regarding how the globalization helps in popularity of Korean pop or Korean wave. While answering this paper we will take a primary research based approach with supporting the view of the positive impact of globalization based on different author’s viewpoints. The primary research will be based on 10 questions, out of which 8 will be close ended questions and rest 2 open ended. The answers of the open ended questions

Reflection paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 5

Reflection paper - Essay Example Being a convenience store, we are very passionate about our commitment to customer service. When an employee is new in the organization, he is introduced to the vision and mission statement of the company. This makes all our employees aware of the things that the company values; thus, he is able to work within these values and eventually it is instilled in him. It is in our company’s culture to make the employee feel fulfilled. The company believes that the employees should be provided with never-ending opportunities for growth. Our organization believes that the job of every employee should always be a learning experience for them. Furthermore, management emphasizes team achievement rather than personal gains of the employees. There are several factors which I like in our organizational culture. I appreciate very much the sense of belongingness that I feel in the organization. We as managers are always consulted in various aspects which affects our work. Management is always ready to hear our opinions and accept our suggestions. Team building and employee empowerment is a positive attribute of our organization. One of the things that I do not like about our culture is that sometimes I feel that the customers’ satisfaction is over emphasized. There are times when it is difficult for us to deal with some of the customers’ request but we still have to go out of our way to please them. I understand however, that it is necessary because our industry is very competitive. If we displease a customer, we might drive them away from our store. Another thing that I do not like about our organizational culture is that there are times when an individual’s effort is not given much importance. This is because team effort is always emphasized. As a manager, I think one way that I can positively impact our organizational culture is by mentoring my staff to be more conscious of the needs of the customers. Since our culture

Critique Paper - All Quiet on the Western Front Essay

Critique Paper - All Quiet on the Western Front - Essay Example Pauls’ suppression of emotions has made him into an emotional cripple who is unable to relate to his family and live a normal life outside the battlefield (Remarque). Being stuck in a shell hole with a man he stabbed forces Paul to consider the nature of war and how it makes strangers into enemies. The horrors of war take away his friends one by one and often in front of his own eyes. He is ruined by war and when he is given a short leave, he wonders how he will adjust to civilian life, Paul dies during an enemy attack and he doesn’t have to find out how his life would have been off the battlefield (Remarque). Paul is the novel’s main protagonist and his inner battle with his feelings and actions is what is intriguing about him. His personality and the way war forces Paul to behave are in stark contrast to each other. He was a sensitive young lad, full of idealism and life but war made him into a remorseless soldier who must remain emotionally numb in order to survive on the battlefield. Paul’s past and future are snatched away by war and he struggles to remember what his past was like and wonders what his future will be without war. But despite all this, he still has some humanity left in him and there are instances where he is overcome by grief. This struggle is representative of all those men who were enlisted to fight in the army at a very young age and Pauls’ story is similar to all those adolescents who lost their childhood, their friends, their family and even their lives on the battlefield. The trauma and hardship they suffer snatches away their innocence and Paul was long dead on the inside before the war actually killed him. Paul’s story revolves around the main theme of the novel which is about the horrors of war and its effect on the soldiers. War is often painted with glory and honor but this book sets out to debunk those notions and show war through the eyes of a soldier. It shows the butchery of

Comparison between August Wilson and Langston Hughes Essay

Comparison between August Wilson and Langston Hughes - Essay Example One of his most anthologized poems, The Negro speaks of Rivers has been acclaimed for his passionate acceptance of his race and his reclaiming of black origins. Before Hughes wrote, many African-American artists avoided portraying lower-class black life because they believed such images fed racist stereotypes and attitudes. Hughes was of the opinion that authentic portraits of actual people would counter negative caricatures of African Americans more effectively and so wrote about, and for the common man. Hughes claimed that ninety percent of his work attempted "to explain and illuminate the Negro condition in America." Hughes portrays the nobility of common people and the vitality of his African American culture in Thank You, M'am. Mrs. Luella Bates Washington Jones, whose name ironically recognizes both the slavery codes of the founders of the United States and the dignity of the common person, gives spiritual and physical gifts to the young Roger. Finally, she gives him the greate st gift of all: the right to direct his own life. In the mid-1980's, African American drama began de-emphasizing the revolutionary aspects of the political platform, searching instead for a strong dramatic voice to tell the story of African American assimilation into mainstream American ideals. ... Wilson's plays offer the whites a new perspective into the lives of black Americans. In "Fences they see a garbageman, a person they really don't look at, although they may see a garbageman every day. By looking at Troy's life, white people find out that the content of this black garbageman's life is very similar to their own, that he is affected by the same things-love, honor, beauty, betrayal, duty. Recognizing that these things are as much a part of his life as of theirs can be revolutionary and can affect how they think about and deal with black people in their lives." This is indeed a very radical and a multidimensional portrayal of the African Americans and not merely a walled perception of the blacks. Wilson's dramatic writing, unlike his public pronouncements, is never strident, never overtly political. Even Langston Hughes depicted black families and social setups in Soul Gone Home and Mother and Child without indirectly referring to any political ideology or an apparent soc ial protest. In Southern Gentlemen and Negroes Hughes not only indicted southern injustice but reprimanded African Americans for their inertness. Therefore, it becomes imperative that one reassess Hughes's works in a new light, so as to find a niche in changing times. The tendency to dismiss Hughes as a quintessential Harlem Renaissance poet must be avoided. The main focus of Wilson's work is to look at black culture as it undergoes change and grows in evolving historical contexts. In The Piano Lesson, the piano must be read as a metonym, if not for race itself, then for the racialized plight of African Americans within the context of their history of struggle and survival in the United States. Like race, the piano is at once

Shadow box play review Essay Example for Free

Shadow box play review Essay On the night of the 28th of November 2013, I had the chance of watch some of the third year Lasalle theatre students produce and perform Michael Christofer’s â€Å"The Shadow Box†. Despite having very little knowledge of the play itself, I thoroughly enjoyed the play and was kept engaged throughout. â€Å"The Shadow Box† revolves around three main terminally ill characters, Joe, Felicity and Agnes, who had to deal with the fact of not being able to live much longer. It also involves their family and friends facing the inevitable death of their loved one. The play addresses the theme of death and the idea of seizing the day and living life to its’ fullest, otherwise known as ‘Carpe Diem’. Keeping within the genre of realism, the play uses dark comedy to emphasize and enhance the message of the play ‘to grab onto life and live it with all your might’. The play was held in the Creative Cube and the space was set up with blocks of different heights, distinguishing the three individual spaces, as well as a void-like segment placed center up-stage. The space showed the cottages of Joe’s, Brian’s and Felicity’s, from stage left to stage right respectively. The void-like space had a swivel chair with a spotlight on it. During the play, the different characters had a chance to sit on the chair and discuss their current situations with numerous voices that encouraged each of them to express their emotions. This gave the audience an insight into their personal feelings and thoughts of their condition. Even though the set was not exactly the most extravagant, it had basic set pieces such as a couch and a table that made it unambiguous to the audience that the play was set in their cottages. I felt that the set was enough to inform he audience of where the play was set in and what really mattered was the content and acting of the play. What had kept me engaged was how strong the relationships between the characters were and how I as an audience member could so clearly see each character’s development throughout the play. I could actually see how each character grew from being almost angry and confused of their inevitable death, to growing to accept it. The show began with Jordan Prainito, who played Joe, walking into a void and being questioned by several voices about his family and his daily routine ever since he began living at the cottage. It wasn’t made clear to the audience who exactly the voices belonged to, however I got an impression that they were doctors and it seemed as if it was a daily or weekly routine to talk to these voices. The other characters underwent the same thing and as I have mentioned before, it gave us an insight into their personal emotions and their opinions of the whole situation. The relationships between the different characters were so well established that made the play extremely captivating to watch as you could also see the personal struggle of each character slowly losing a loved one. My favourite relationship established within the play would have to be between Felicity and Agnes, played by Rachel Tay and Samantha Jean Kwok respectively. They played a mother-daughter relationship where the daughter, Agnes, had to take care of her terminally ill mother who seemed to have a side condition of dementia. You could see how patient Agnes had to be with Felicity, and how she had to remind her mother of basic things, such as the date and time, to slightly more serious things, such as who Agnes was, as Felicity had a mindset that her other daughter, Claire, was still alive and was taking care of Felicity instead and not Agnes. My favourite character would be Beverly, who was played by Chinie Concepcion. She was acting as Mark’s ex girlfriend, who was the terminally ill patient in cottage #2. Mark, played by Renfred Ng also had a gay partner, Brian, played by Brett Khao. Together, Beverly and Brian fought and worked together to overcome their fear of losing a loved one so soon. As they had contrasting personalities, Beverly’s being loose and carefree, whereas Brian was rigid and uptight, this created an interesting segment to watch on how the two had to work together for Mark’s sake. Chinie Concepcion brought so much life to her character and did a really good job of portraying her character as the ‘life of the party’, or rather life in general (She also rocked her sparkly 6 inch heels throughout the whole show). Each relationship played throughout the show was kept real, distinct and extremely powerful. It made me feel almost connected to the characters who had to face the expected death of their loved ones. I especially felt this from the relationship between Stevie, played by Kimberly Chan and her father Joe. As we saw the first meeting between Stevie and her father, you could almost feel her excitement and joy bouncing around the whole space. This was seen through her facial expressions and eagerness to make him proud through her songs played on the guitar. However, she had not known of his coming death and it was the biggest bomb dropped throughout the whole show. As each relationship and character had their good points, it made the show enjoyable and engaging. Thus, I felt that the third year Lasalle students did Michael Christofer proud as making this the Singapore premier of ‘The Shadow Box’. Everyone should definitely take some time off to catch the play, it was extremely moving and thought-provoking as well as it made me think about really living life to it’s fullest and how true the expression ‘Carpe Diem’ was.

In Good Company Analysis

In Good Company Analysis AOTEAROA TERTIARY INSTITUTE NZIM DIPLOMA IN MANAGAMENT LEVEL 5 LEADERSHIP 630 ASSESSED TUTORIAL : FILM STUDY IN GOOD COMPANY Identify two leaders in the movie? Dan Foreman and Carter Duryea Dan Foreman a) Leadership Style Dan Foreman had charismatic leadership style. According to (Daft, 2008) charismatic leaders are those who have the ability to encourage and motivate other people to do more than there would normally do. Person with charismatic leadership styles has a great concern in scanning and reading their surrounding and are able to pick up the mood and concern of individual and big audience. According to the movie The Good Company Dan took the responsibility to inform the workers when there were fired from their job because he was really concerned about their feeling and he knew he would be able to comfort them since he was the old staff and the staff was hired by him. He also had responsibility towards his family. b) Effectiveness of a leader Dan was considered as a effective leader. He was loyal to his employee and motivate them. Workers respected and trusts him he was outspoken person and stand for his employees. He had a great responsibility towards his family. He love his wife and children lot. He was so effective as a father when he saw Alex and Carter working together at his birthday party he was really concerned about that but didnt say anything. Instead he follow Carter next day to see where he goes and then he saw Carter and Alex having coffee together he got really angry that he punched Carter. He was really concerned about his daughter since she was still in college. c) Type of Power Dan held referent power which comes from leaders personality characteristics and where people respect and admire his ability. Carter who was the new boss for the company respected him lot he also had charisma power which mean it have positive influence on workers. Also has ability to create the chance for interpersonal pressure. d) How the power was used Dan used his power in a good way since he was very effective and when he speaks people would listen to him. People respect him due to his power and leadership style. He tries hard to save his job and company. Also he used his power in good way towards his family. Carter Duryea a) Leadership Style Carter Duryea had transactional leadership style. According to (Daft, 2008) transactional leadership is a exchange process between leaders and followers. Followers needs and desires are recognise and then clarifies is made on how to satisfy it. According to the movie Carter was appointed as the head of marketing for the Sports America magazine so that he can increase the sales for his company. Transactional leader are also considered as task oriented. He didnt have much experience as the head position since he was still young and was in the stage of learning. b) Effectiveness of a Leader Carter was not effective leader since he didnt have experience in the work which he was located since he had experience in his field of work also he was outspoken and was very convincing. He was also facing lot of personal problem since he was so focussed in his professional life and as not able to give time to his wife. He just had a divorce after 7 moth of married. c) Type of Power Carter held legitimate power which means it is a authority that is granted from a well known position in the company. In the movie Carter had a position in the company he was the head of marketing. He held this power because he was very good in decision making, active, intelligent in his work and convinces people. d) How he used his power Carter also used his power in good and effective way. He power was used to motive people and identify common goal of the company. He also misuse his power to cost cut the expense for the company. He started firing the staff. Carter discuss this with Dan and he was really upset and that you cant fire then because those staff are from my time I have hire them. Dan also mention that Iam paid more wages why not fire me instead. And Carter used his power in good way saying that I can fire you but think about responsibility you have. 2) Situation from movie identified that illustrates analysis for each leader. Leadership theories referred to support discussions above. Situation that was chosen from the movie for both leaders were when Dan asked question to Teddy K when he was talking about put one section about computers in sports magazine suddenly Dan interpreted and asked Teddy K what he is trying to say which shows how effective he was while asking question and shows that he was listening to it. Leadership theories that Dan held was influence theories which refers to leadership influence based not on position or formal authority but on the qualities and charismatic personality of the leader( Daft, 2008). Dan didnt held any formal position in the company but people respect him due to his qualities. Another situation was when Carter was discussing about sacking some workers from sales department. As he was a transactional leader he had to follow his companies rules and procedures. He had behaviour theories refers to what a leader actually do on the job and which relates to the content of managerial activities role and responsibilities. Since he was a head of department he had responsibility towards his job. Dan tried to save his old workers and suggested to Carter that his salary is more than workers why not sack him instead of others. But Carter cant do much he had to listen to his boss and follow his orders. 3) Type of organisation, level of seniority and its effects on leaders behaviour? The movie Good Company is about a sports America magazine which is owned by Globecom, it is recognize as a national sports magazine where Dan had worked for 20 years as head of advertising sales department. But due to some problem company is bought by multimedia company and Carter is assign as a new boss. He had one of the most senior position in the company responsible for companies sales and managing staff. Also had power to rewards and punish anyone in the company. In the movie both the leaders are struggling to maintain their position and to get along with each other. Carter is half the age of Dan and he is still young learning the work. He thinks that he could to better for the work therefore he chose to replace Dan who is 51 years old and is a executive in his company. He feels uncomfortable to work with Carter. Carter had highest level of seniority based due to his position in the company and becomes the boss of Dan and all workers has to his instructions and listen to his ord ers (Uk essay,2014). This was due to legitimate power which Carter held. Dan didnt have any legitimate authority after the company was taken over he just had a position on wingman in the company but still he had respect from his colleagues. He was given this position since he had lots of experience in his work. 4) Leadership theories referred to support discussions above. Leadership theory that was illustrate to large extend in this movie was contingency theory. The idea behind this theories is that leaders can analyse their situation and tailor their behaviour to improve leadership effectiveness (Daft, 2008). Leader effectiveness in group is depend on two factors is change in situation and relation motivation or leader task. Leader who have high marks on scale are those people oriented than those who get less mark on scale is task oriented. According to the movie Dan had high mark in least preferred co workers because he was concern about his employees. Even he was ready to leave his job to save his co workers job. Carter had less mark on scale since he was only concern about his task. He hold a position in the company therefore he had to follows orders given by his boss and also be on management side. He doesnt think about workers and fired some employees from the company. 5) Individual culture and its effect. Culture played a very important role in Dan and Carter life. Dan is 51 year old with a very lovely family. He was happily married with two daughters he believed in honesty trustworthiness, charisma, reliability and has respect for everyone. Whereas Carter is 26 year old man newly married and is dumped by his wife just in 7 months of relationship as he had a promotion. Later he is having affair with Dans daughter. He had authority to reward and punish anyone in the company. He is always on management side and workers according to company policies and procedures. This happens in really life in many companies the management level workers are always on company side. Both leaders way of thinking was different Dan was more thinking about building and maintaining relationship. He had a good relationship with his co workers despite some workers been fired from work their still came to attend his birthday party. Dan also had better relationship with his daughter when he saw pregnancy kit in t he dustbin he was so worried and thought that it is Alex. He goes and talk with Alex and tell her that if you have any problem always come and discuss with me. Whereas Carter way of thinking was a corporate world he was thinking about bottom dollar. He didnt think about his personal life he just work hard to get promotion but as soon as he get this his wife leaves him. At the work he was just sacking the staff to reduce the cost and make profit. He was so money minded. 6) Other leadership concepts and ideologies that was identify in the movie ? i) Other leadership concepts and ideologies that was identify in the movie were building and maintaining relationship both personal and professional. Dan was able to balance his relationship both personal and professional he takes out time for his wife and kids often go out and play tennis. Dan keeps his professional life at work and does not discuss anything at home during family time. Whereas Carter was not able to keep his personal and professional life balance. Due to his professional he was not able to give time to his wife which lead to separation after 7 month of relationship. ii) Responsibility was the other concepts Dan had a great responsibility towards his family. He was the only breadwinner in the family he had to look after his wife, two teenage daughter who were in college. His older daughter Alex moved out to live on her own and Dan had to take second mortgage to meet all his expenses. On top of his wife was pregnant with their third child. He also had responsibility towards his work he tried hard to save his job and magazine towards the end of the movie he goes out and do door to door sale. Dan was so concerned towards his daughter when he saw Alex and Carter together he was so angry that he punched Carter he was so protective. iii) Set Example is the other leadership concept that was identified in the movie. Dan set good example to Carter. In the end when Carter was out of job Dan offered him a position in the company. Carter was happy and he said that I will be grateful to get the job and since I have learn so many things from you but he was not sure what he want to do. Dan set good example to Carter in regards to professional life. iv) Respectful is other concept that was identified in the movie. Dan had worked for 20 years in the company and he had lot of respect from all his co workers. Dan had demotion from his position and Carter become the new boss but still all the workers listen to Dan. He was a senior staff and Carter also respected him and was eager to learn more from him. Carter also respected Dans family when the first time he went to visited them he said this the type of family and home Iam looking for. Also other concept can be believing in what you are doing Dan had believe that he can save his job and magazine. He goes out with Carter for door to door sale to save the magazine since he was give 24 hours time. He believe that he can do it and he was able to do it. From this concept we come to know that if you believe in something and works towards it you will be successful in your life. References Daft R L Pirola-Merlo (2008). The leadership experience: Asia Pacific edition 1. Melbourne: Cengage Learning. 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